In December 2013, former Charlie Hebdo
editor Olivier Cyran, who had left the magazine in 2001, published an article, “Charlie
Hebdo, Not Racist? If You Say So,” on his website Article11.
Charlie
Hebdo’s religion editor, Zineb el-Rhazoui,
replied
in an essay published the same month. I’ve translated her essay below. When the
attack on the paper’s offices occurred, el-Rhazoui was traveling in Morocco.
"If Charlie Is
Racist, Then I Am"
Zineb el-Rhazoui
On
December 5th, I learned in the press that I have a terrible disease. The
diagnosis, by Olivier Cyran on the website Article 11, is definitive: I am racist.
Being of French citizenship, I was anxious to identify, before the malady could
advance any further, which races were likely to activate my white-woman
antibodies. My suspicions naturally gravitated to the descendants of those exotic
hordes who are said to be invading Old France to steal our bread, my bread. The
Chinese? I've received no Asian complaint on this score. The blacks of Africa
and elsewhere? That happens to be the color of the man I love. The drinkers of
vodka? I just came back from a year's exile in Slovenia and don't especially
remember being allergic to Slavic charms. Who then? "Whites"? I
wouldn't venture to think Olivier Cyran could adhere to the theory of
"anti-white racism." No. I didn't have to make it far into the piece
to be reassured that his diagnosis was more precise: my racism, thank God (that
idiot), is only aimed at Muslims, and I contracted
this dangerous syndrome from the editorial staff of Charlie Hebdo. An occupational illness, then. Since Olivier Cyran
is himself a veteran of the shop, though I never had the pleasure of meeting
him -- since he had the luck, and the balls, according to him, to get out
before the infection could spread through
the paper -- I've decided to address him as tu,
since we use tu among colleagues at
Charlie.
Olivier,
you start from the premise that the Muslims of Azerbaijan, of Bosnia, of
Malaysia, Egypt or Burkina Faso, represent a single whole that can be
designated as a "race." Well, it so happens that that's the one I belong
to. The fact that I'm an atheist, and proud of it? It makes no difference,
since you don't ask us what we think; you talk about racism, and therefore
race. I won't keep beating around the bush, since I don't doubt for a second
that, like me, you perfectly understand the distinction between a religion and
a race. If you make this lamentable conflation, it's because you engage in a
sociological fallacy whose origins lie in the demography of France: our Muslims
are most often those we call "Arabs." I'm sort of starting to
understand why you speak of racism. But let's try to be precise: we're not
talking about the Arabs of Lebanon, who are rarely encountered in the French
projects, nor the persecuted Arab Ahwazi minority of Iran, whom nobody in
France talks about, and certainly not the Arabs of Qatar who keep Louis Vuitton
in business. No, you're talking about the "Arabs" of North Africa --
and here again, it so happens that that is the "race" from which I
spring. Moreover, for your information, those "Arabs" aren't always
Arabs. The best-informed people in France know that they are Berbers, a word of
Greek origin, "Bearded," which refers to us Amazighes, Imazighen --
Free Men, as we like to call ourselves. I am thus triply qualified to dispel
the obvious confusion you manifest when you identify those you claim to be
defending: the Muslim race.
Muslim You Will Stay
Among the
individuals that you assign to this racial category, there are militant
atheists like me, obviously secularist (laïque).
There are atheists who have other fish to fry, they are secularists too. There
are atheists who love Charlie Hebdo
and support it; others less so or not at all. There are agnostics, skeptics,
free-thinkers, deists; they are secularists as well. There are believers who are
non-practicing but politically Islamist, practicing but secularist, or even
those with "no opinion," whose daily lives do not suffer because of Charlie Hebdo. There are converts to
Christianity -- and oh, are they secularist, for they've endured the terrors of
theocracy in their countries of origin. And finally there are the
fundamentalists (intégristes), the
militant Islamists, the adherents of an identity defined above all by religion,
and those are the ones you have chosen to defend. Those are the ones who, given
the reality of French laïcité, have no other choice than to
cry racism, a tear in their eye and a hand on their heart, on the pretext that
their "religious feelings" have been mocked by a drawing in Charlie.
Among them you will find many who stand for laïcité
in France but vote Ennahda in
Tunisia, who do their shopping at a Parisian halal butcher but would cry
scandal if a misfit decided to open a charcuterie in Jeddah. Who are outraged
when a day care center fires a veiled employee but say nothing when someone
they know forces his daughter to wear the veil. They are a minority. But they
are the standard to which you have chosen to align the identity of all of us.
Enough
generalities, which I didn't think a man of the pen needed to be reminded of.
If I've taken up mine to answer you, it is not solely to defend myself from
racism, but above all because in my journalist's memory I have rarely resented
an opinion column as much as I did yours. If you will allow an "Arab"
to address her own complaint, let me tell you that your rhetoric and arguments
are the most sophisticated variety of racism that exists in France. Rare are
those today who would risk shouting from the rooftops,"Ragheads Out!"
The extremists who would do so would immediately be jeered by you, by me, and
by a majority of the French people. First of all, you quote Bernard Maris,
Catherine, Charb, Caroline Fourest. What about me, what about me! You preferred
to omit my name, when it was my articles that you pointed to as
dangerously "Islamophobic," thus, according to you, necessarily
racist. Frankly, I wondered why , and I see only two options. Either you didn't
want to let Charlie Hebdo's
detractors (who can only subscribe to your thinking if they never read the
paper) know that the author of these racist ravings belongs precisely to the
Muslim race. Or you simply didn't think that, as a person, I was worth naming,
since in a fascist rag like Charlie I
couldn't be anything but the house Arab. I must have been hired as an alibi, so
that Charlie could hit its diversity
quota, but you could never imagine that I could be brought on staff for the
same reasons that you were. An Olivier, of course, is hired for his
professional qualities; a Zineb is only hired by affirmative action. Or maybe you
"spared" me because in my case you have no personal scores to settle,
unlike a fair number of your former colleagues. In that case, I would have
readers seek the motives behind your article somewhere other than the realm of
ideas.
Racism By Omission
A Zineb
who spits on Islam, that's beyond you, isn't it? It disconcerts you so much
that you preferred not to name me, so as not to introduce any doubt as to the
veracity of your accusations against us, the journalists of Charlie. If the expression "spit on
Islam" shocks you, let me answer you on that too. Why the hell is a
"white person" who spits on Christianity an anticlerical, but an Arab
who spits on Islam is alienated, an alibi, a house Arab, an incoherence that
one would prefer not even to name? Why? Do you think that people of my race,
and myself, are congenitally sealed off from the universal ideas of atheism and
anticlericalism? Or is it that you think that unlike other peoples, our
identity is solely structured by religion? What is left of an Arab when he no
longer has Islam? To listen to you, a person like me must be some kind of harki
of the Koran, we are traitors so profoundly stricken by a racial complex
that we harbor a single regret, that of not being white. As for me, my
interactions with Muslims and Arabs did not begin with the [1983] Marche des beurs. I'm what is called a blédarde, born in Morocco to an
indigenous father and French mother. It's there that I was educated and began
my career as a journalist in a weekly paper that was shut down by the regime in
2010. My colleagues from the old country can explain to you how, in 2006, the
Moroccan police state, which had other scores to settle with us, organized a
fake demonstration of Islamists in front of the office of the Journal Hebdo,
which was accused of having published Charlie's
caricatures. In reality, it was a photo of a random person seated at a café terrace
holding a copy of Charlie Hebdo. I
can also tell you that your piece in Article11 was posted on Moroccan websites,
the same kind of sites that would never dare to poke their noses into a
corruption scandal involving the King, for example. I won't hide from you that
on this one you managed to make not only the Islamists happy but also the
Moroccan dictatorship that forced me and several of my colleagues into exile,
and which continues to harass us as traitors to the nation, henchmen of foreign
powers hostile to Morocco, even to Islam. A piece like yours is worth its
weight in gold to the royalist police agents, who sponsored a
"dossier" against Charlie
published in a gutter newspaper in Casablanca. It informs readers that, among
other things, the Molotov cocktail attack on Charlie's offices in November 2011 was an insurance fraud, and that
Charb drives a Ferrari thanks to all the dough we make. I don't know if you've
heard from Charb since you left the paper, but he still hasn't passed his
driving test. In another Moroccan article on Charlie, I learned I'd been hired because I had slept with Caroline
Fourest and that my reporting was financed by the Algerian, Spanish, Israeli
secret services. Clearly a raghead can't really be hired for the same reasons
as an Olivier.
My friend,
I know you have nothing to do with the whole journalistic sewer that serves the
Mohammed VI dictatorship. I simply want to show you who you're making
happy, if my pieces on Islam might occasionally please a few members of the FN.
You see,
Olivier, as a blédarde born in the
Maghreb, assigned against my will to a religious pigeonhole, not only by you,
but above all by a theocratic state that does not allow me to choose my faith
and which governs my personal status by religious laws, I have always wondered
why guys like you lie down before Islamist propaganda. The laws of my country
do not grant me a quarter of the rights you acquired at birth, and if I were to
be attacked or raped in the streets of Casablanca by a barbu, as has
been promised in hundreds of emails -- never taken seriously by the Moroccan
police -- the websites that posted your article will definitely say I was
asking for it because I don't respect Islam. And you here in France, in a
secularist state, you rehash without grasping its implications this whole
moralizing discourse about how one must "respect Islam," as demanded
by the Islamists, who do not ask whether Islam respects other religions, or
other people. Why the hell should I respect Islam? Does it respect me? The day Islam shows the slightest bit of
consideration to women, first of all, and secondly to free-thinkers, I
promise you I will rethink my positions.
The FN? Don't know them.
It is in
order to see that day come that I fight alongside all the atheists of Morocco,
Tunisia, Egypt or Palestine, not to give pleasure to the FN as you explain in
your article. Because believe me, a lot of virulent atheists in the Arab world,
so virulent they regularly spend time in jail for blasphemy, have never heard
of Marine Le Pen, and could not possibly care if what they say pleases the
French far right, because they're busy fighting their own far right: Islamism.
If you will permit us, we "Islamophobes" of the Muslim race think the
liberation of our societies will necessarily come through emancipation from the
yoke of state religion. Since that is what Islam is more or less everywhere in
the so-called Arab countries, you'll also find there a strong opposition to
theocracy, which is fed not only by the universal idea of separation of church
and state but also by the skepticism and historicization of Islamic texts. We
permit ourselves just about anything, such as, for example, thinking that
Mohammed, and even Allah, are not unrepresentable. Caricatures, parodies of
Koranic verses or hadiths, you just have to look around on our internet forums
to see that Charlie was not the original source on this score.
You've got
to understand us, because you see, centuries after his death Mohammed is still
imposing his law. He is, in a manner of speaking, the head of state of this
Umma that deprives us of our freedom of thought, and which forbids me, for
example, to inherit property equally with my brothers or to marry a man of my
choosing. Why would you -- you, an anti-authoritarian -- want a man with as
much power as him to be exempt from critique? Because, when I speak to you of
laws, I am not referring to obsolete Koranic decrees but to the positive laws
in our countries, to the civil code that governs our marriages, divorces,
inheritances, child custody, etc. Yes, it's Mohammed, in the name of Allah, who
decides, and not us, free people who are equal to you. Let me tell you that for
all these reasons, it will not be the official representatives of the Islamic
denomination in Europe, whose platitudes you adopt, and who themselves take
good advantage of the joys of secularism, who will fix the limits of our freedom
of expression. Make no mistake, Olivier, because antiracism is on the side of Charlie Hebdo, which opens its pages to
people like me who cannot speak out in their own country under penalty of
prison or attack, and not on yours, you who agree to hand the entire
"Muslim race" over to its self-proclaimed clergy. Charlie is aware of the intellectual and
ideological ferment that is animating the Muslim world, it has understood that
a war is on between freedom and politico-Islamist dictatorship, whether you date
it to before or after the Arab Spring, and Charlie
has quite simply chosen its camp: ours, its -- that of the anticlericals. If
blasphemy is a right for the heirs of Christian civilization, why do you deny
it to Muslims? Why is an Islamic state acceptable in Tunisia or Egypt, but not
in France? Isn't that what racism is?
The Art of Muzzling Criticism
Far be it
from me to force this analysis on you. While it flows logically from your
reading, I wouldn't go so far as to say you would adopt it. I've tried to
uncover the reason you've fallen into such a trap, and I've found it in the
fallacy that serves to cement your argument: "Headscarves, high heels,
even a T-shirt made in Bangladesh, none of them matter to me when the person
underneath is deserving of respect," you say in your article. The
honorable philanthropic intention you demonstrate unfortunately conflates the
critique of ideas with the critique of persons. Let's remember that the basis
of all sound rhetoric is always to avoid the argumentum ad hominem.
Inversely, to abhor an idea must never lead to its personification. Critiquing
the headscarf is not the same as humiliating every woman who wears it, any more
than critiquing Islam amounts to jeering every Muslim. The veiled women in my
family are less sensitive than you on this score. Even though I do not hide my
aversion to the bit of fabric they wear on their heads, they understand that it
in no way detracts from the affection and respect that I have -- or don't have
-- for them, for simply human reasons. In committing this fallacy, you once
again adopt the arguments of the watchdogs of Islamophobia. Lacking the
religious laws that are their tool of power in Muslim countries, they seize on
antiracist laws in France to silence detractors of their beliefs. They are
dying to have us admit that critiquing the headscarf means denying dignity to
those who wear it, and therefore it's racism. Critiquing Mohammed means
humiliating every Muslim on an individual basis, and therefore it's racism.
That's their equation, and you, Olivier, you took the bait.
Not me.
Because the specter of racism that you fear -- so much so that you anoint the
arguments of the Islamic far right and throw stones at your former colleagues,
to escape all suspicion -- I do not fear it. It is so absurd to suspect me of
racism that even you prefer to suppress my name from your article, though you
mentioned all the others. As the Arab
whose name you preferred not to cite, I experienced your piece as racist
because you forced me, the Arab, to defend my colleagues, the whites. Why
should I have more legitimacy than them to advance these ideas? Why does your
article force me to bring up my name and my identity? I would have you think
about that. You deny me the right to critique the religion I studied as a
mandatory subject in school, from preschool to graduation, and which still
today forbids me from staying in the same hotel room as my boyfriend when I
want to spend a weekend in Marrakech, on the pretext that we don't have a
fornication certificate signed by Mohammed. As for my colleagues at Charlie, they clearly ought to shut up,
or draw Christmas trees every time they get the notion to criticize Islamic
dictatorship, on the grounds that they're white. Nice definition of antiracism.
If you've
read nothing other than Malek Chebel, the most vulgarized exponent of
Islam-the-religion-of-peace-and-love, I strongly urge you to buy a Sira book
first, to get an idea of the teachings of Mohammed, and you tell me if you
still think it's disgusting to critique them. Otherwise, go take a tour of the
Salafist bookstores that are popping up everywhere in the Paris region, and
tell me if you still think that hatred is on the side of Charlie Hebdo. Furthermore, be aware that the increase in their
number over the past fifteen years or so -- the period when Charlie, you say, curiously started to
take an interest in them -- in no way corresponds to any demographic explosion
of Muslims in France, but rather to an ideological shift financed by
petrodollars, involving a radicalized minority of Muslims.
Enlightened Minds, Learn Islam!
You will
find many pearls in these books, such as le mariage de jouissance (Zawaj
al-Mut’a). Practiced in times of war by Muslims, this unilateral marriage
contract -- since it's the conquering warrior who decides -- can last an hour,
two hours, or a few days, and is intended to allow Allah's fighters to drain their balls (sorry for the
vulgarity, but it's impossible to call it anything else) during their razzias.
It appears that this is what happened in Syria in this byzantine story of "sexual
jihad." In your article, you quoted a piece in Charlie, of which I was the author, which addressed this subject
and which you described as a "pseudo-investigation" based on an
abominable Islamophobic rumor. I concede that neither you nor I were on the
ground to witness the practice, given the difficult conditions of journalism in
Syria at the moment. But for you it was sufficient that [Saudi preacher] Mohamad
al-Arefe denied the fatwa that was attributed to him -- urging that the
jihadists be resupplied with women -- for all of this to be unfounded. Do you
think the FIS in Algeria, or Al-Qaeda everywhere else, had to wait for al-Arefe?
You also refer to another of my articles -- again without naming me -- and
quote the teaser to illustrate Charlie
Hebdo's dangerous drift towards nationalism. In your opinion, this piece
about a group of Belgian Salafists was denouncing the threat of our Christian
West being invaded by barbarian Muslim hordes. "Will fries soon all be
halal?" I asked. You forgot to mention that the hapless hero of my piece
was a [white] Belgian convert named Jean-Louis, a.k.a. "le soumis." This is no issue of
racism, but rather of fundamentalism. Since the article came out, the tall
redhead was arrested over a recruitment cell for jihad in Syria. You would
think I wasn't totally wrong to take an interest in his case.
You see,
Olivier, this Charlie Hebdo that was
totally not racist when you were working there, but which inexorably became so after you left it, does
not need anti-racist lessons from you, and it's the Arab who's telling you so.
Personally, I never worked with [Philippe] Val and I don't know if I would have
been able, as you were, to listen to his encomiums to Israel, a racist and
colonial state, at every editorial meeting in order to keep my job. For me,
it's the pen of Charb, one of the most pro-Palestinian writers in the French
press, with which I find affinity. Charb,
because of this lynching to which you are contributing through the confusion of
your ideas, is today being threatened by al-Qaeda and lives under police
protection. So which side is hatred on?
Salutations collégiales,
Zaynab
bint Mohammad ibn al-Mâatî al-Rhazwî al-Harîzî.